Introduction
The existence of "cults",
certain groups of people living under a set of unified laws, common
beliefs, and a charismatic leader, is not new. Popularity and
membership in these cults, however, is increasing. The purpose of this
paper is to discuss reasons for cult popularity, and to demonstrate
that cult memberships are increasing. Finally, it shall be shown that
people who join cults are not merely victims of depression and social
stability as commonly believed. In reality, a combination of social
instability and a desire for social kinship and support provide
sufficient reason for a person to join a cult
NOTE from the author: This
paper intentionally divorces the topic from mainstream religion,
particularly from Orthodox Christianity. It was my intent that the
reader analyze the raw facts and sociological analysis in order to
bring it into the context of Orthodox evangelism. In order to minister
to cultists properly, it is vital that we understand properly the
mindset of cults, as well as public perception of them.
Cult Popularity
While
various cults exist, certain cults are much more popular than others. A
cult usually gains popularity based on two factors: active personal
ministry or extremism.
For example, a cult that claims less
than fifty members is not likely to reach a large group, unless they
begin by reaching out to their community, or commit extremely fanatic
deeds (Martin, 1997). This example is clearly depicted by examining the
Heaven's Gate cult. Regardless of their motives for joining the
movement, the community would have hardly had concern for this group
had not all thirty-nine of them committed mass suicide. In fact, had
the group maintained an interest in the supernatural and super-cosmic
world without self-destruction, it unlikely that international media
would have taken an active interest in the group (Krupp, 1997, p. 81).
Likewise,
the Jehovah's Witnesses cult is notorious for both characteristics.
Jehovah's Witnesses boast an active door-to-door ministry, and reach
some millions of homes every year in person, by telephone, or by
leaving behind pamphlets at hotels and public facilities (Martin, p.
93-96). In addition to this, many are aware of their extremist views
against blood transfusion (even if it means the death of the patient)
and against such practices as standing for a national anthem or
saluting a flag (Martin, p.124-125).
A popular apocalyptic cult
led by Jim Jones was not investigated by the government until it
reached a population of 900 and extreme acts of fraud were suspected.
Furthermore, the general public was not aware of the group until all
900 of them committed mass suicide (Wieder, 1998).
That most
people associate the word "cult" with the Branch Davidian groups
(another group which committed mass suicide), or Mormons (who until
recently allowed polygamy), or even Wiccans (who claim the ability to
perform witchcraft) further affirms this theory (Yvonne Walsh, 2001,
p.120). While this knowledge may repulse many people from cults, the
fact that memberships to various cults are increasing, indicates that
there are many who still maintain an interest in what the cult offers.
Cult Growth
Larger,
more accepted cults have seen a sharp increase in adherents. Jehovah's
Witnesses have seen an increase in adherents over the past two decades.
In 1983, they numbered 77 003 in Canada; 0.31% of the population
(Botting, 1984). Today, they number 110 818; 0.36% of the population.
The Mormons, also known as The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day
Saints, numbered 81 244 in 1980, and numbered 156 575 in 1998 (Deseret
News, 2000). The Seventh Day Adventist Cult grew from a population of
41 085 in 1991 (Bedell, 1993) to a population of 46 962 by 1998 (World
Almanac and Book of Facts, 2000).
Less-accepted cults
considered more fanatical, have also seen significant growth. One of
the most popular cults associated with methods of brainwashing (Walsh,
2001), the Unification Church, or the "Moonies", had a world membership
of 2 000 000 in 1999 (Spartos, 1999), increasing from a few hundred in
1977 (Chalfant, 1994). Another cult, The Children of God, grew from a
few hundred members in Amsterdam, 1970, and by 1982 spanned 69
different countries. By 1990, there were several thousand members in
the United States (World Services, 1995). The Scientology Church saw an
increase from 500 000 members worldwide in 1975, to 5.5 million by 1998
(Chryssides, 1998). The growth rates are significantly disproportional.
The fact that the population of Canada has only increased by
6.6 million members (Statistics Canada, 2002) should not be overlooked.
Using these numbers, the population of Canada grew by 27% over a twenty
year period, while all of the cults listed (except the Seventh Day
Adventists) grew by multiple hundred percents.
Reasons for Cult Membership
When
discussing reasons for joining a cult, it is important to emphasize
that the cults referred to are thought to be psychologically
manipulative, and have some hidden agenda. Organizations or individuals - that have no hidden agenda - do not systematically control information
and do not covertly manipulate the member's needs would not be defined
as "cults" in this sense, no matter how alien their beliefs. (Walsh,
Russell, Wells, 1994, p.339)
Society tends to lean toward the
belief that people join cults because of an attraction they feel to the
cult�s ideology due to some long-term feeling of material or
psychological "personal deficit" (Stark & Bainbridge, 1980,
p.1394). This shall be called "Theory A". A person may feel attracted
to a cult that may offer security, financial support, or comfort -
only if the person is insecure, unconfident, depressed, in financial
ruin, or has experienced significant loss. This exhibits an underlying
presupposition that all cult members share some common psychological
traits, that each cultist - though different as an individual, does
share certain psychological traits in common with his fellow members
(Martin, p.36).
There exists a supposedly conflicting view
that the personality of the cultist does not determine whether or not
that person will join a cult. Instead, "interpersonal bonds between
members and potential recruits are the essential element" (Stark &
Bainbridge, p.1376). This shall be called "Theory B". In order to
evaluate these opposing views, one must observe the results of
available studies.
Early studies have shown that while most
religions attract members who had "pre-existing personal
relationships", most cults at their beginnings are "contacted in public
places" and members are "assigned to specific locations to
proselytize". Members offer friendship, and give emphasis to the
promise that they will be able to meet others who share similar
interests. This same study quotes an ex-member of the Unification
Church as saying, "They make you feel like the most important person
in the world." (Bromley, Richardson, 1980, p.74-75) This study lends
strong support to Theory A, as it appeals to a person's sense of
self-worth. Another study alongside this one emphasizes the fact that
within
the cult, one can rise to high status, be offered a career, and enjoy
affection. As a result, members are no longer forced to contemplate "what to do in life" or "explain why they were not doing well" (Stark
& Bainbridge, p.1393). This information supports Theory A without
contradicting Theory B.
Jodi Aronoff, Steven Lynn and Peter
Malinoski (2000) examined studies pertaining to the psychology of
former and current cult members. They acknowledge that o�ne should take
into consideration that those who have left a group would not be
expected to speak highly of it after they have withdrawn. Studies, they
assert, are conflicting. They show that current members of cults report
increased self-esteem and confidence, while the majority of those
entering a cult show no previous history of any type of psychopathology
(p.91-111). Other studies have shown that current cult members appear
to be psychologically well-adjusted. The first of these three results
indicates that in order for one to increase levels of self-esteem,
they must have had a shortage of it to begin with, lending credence to
Theory A, but simultaneously supports Theory B's concept of social
kinship. The latter two support the argument of the necessity of
personal relationships among the recruited and the recruiters - an
affirmation of Theory B, though not directly contradicting Theory A,
and not dependent on Theory A either. More specifically, there is no
indication as to whether or not those studied in the latter two studies
must have suffered psychological or financial tribulation prior to
membership.
Interestingly, all studies seem to agree that
members of a cult practice some form of psychological control (Martin,
49; Walsh et al, p.343) and agree that ex-members suffer varying
degrees of psychological damage after leaving. Yvonne Walsh (2001)
claims that these psychological techniques are used "predominantly to
socialize individuals into the cultural milieu of the cults" and can "endanger feelings of guilt, dependency, low self-esteem,
worthlessness, anxiety and hopelessness in vulnerable individuals"
(p.127). Also, feelings of guilt or dependency, suggest that there must
have been a strong bond between the members for the ex-cultist to
experience these emotions. If such is the case, Theory B manifests
itself as most credible, but does not rule out Theory A.
A
study of doomsday cults, cults centred on the annihilation or
destruction of the earth, "revealed the centrality of kinship" to their
membership rates, while acknowledging that most members are socially
dependent (Stark & Bainbridge, p.1392). This dependence provides
evidence for Theory A, while the "centrality of kinship" seems to
indicate strong support for Theory B.
The intention of these
studies was to examine why people may join a cult, whether Theory A was
more likely than Theory B. Clearly, one can deduce from these theories
that Theory A and Theory B are not diametrically opposed. A person can
experience the effects of both simultaneously; each functions
independently of the other. Clearly, some may join as a result of
personal distress, while others may join merely for the desire for
kinship and the company of those who share common interests, or for
both reasons. Distress after leaving indicates the strong bond of
affinity among members of the cult, while financial ruin and/or social
instability after leaving a cult indicate the symptoms of "personal
deficit".
Conclusions
The
number of cultists has grown significantly in the last two decades. The
popularity of these cults among the masses is based upon (but not
limited to) their ability to effectively advertise their beliefs by
means of ministry. This can be demonstrated by active service, or by
acting upon extreme beliefs, as shown through incidents of mass
suicide. Two views are often held with respect to why people join
cults: that members suffer from personal deficit and are in need of
comfort and a sense of belonging, or that members are acting upon their
need for empathy and a desire for a common bond between themselves and
recruiters. These views are not conflicting, but function independently
of each other, and can co-exist within a specific cult population.
References
Aronoff, J., Lynn, S., Malinoski, P. (2000). Are cultic environments psychologically harmful,
Clinical Psychology Review,
20, 91-111.
Bromley, D., Richardson, J. (1980).
The Brainwashing/Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological,
Psychological, Legal and Historical Perspectives. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press.
Krupp, E. (1997). In the Wake of Heaven�s Gate.
Sky and Telescope.
94, 80-81.
Martin, W. (1997).
The Kingdom of the Cults. Bloomington, MO: Bethany Press International.
Stark, R., Sims, W. (1980). Networks of faith: Interpersonal bonds and recruitment to cults and
sects.
American Journal of Sociology,
85, 1376-1395.
Walsh, Y., Russell, R., Wells, P. (1994). The Personality of ex-cult members.
Personality and
Individual Differences,
19, 339-344.
Walsh, Y. (2001). Deconstructing �brainwashing� within cults as an aid to counselling
psychologists.
Counselling Psychology Quarterly,
14, 119-128.
Wieder, R. (1998). Cults [Electronic Version].
Gale Encyclopaedia of Childhood & Adolescence.
References for Populations Gathered from http://www.adherents.com and credit the following sources:
Bedell, Kenneth (ed.).
Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches 1993. Abingdon Press: Nashville, Tenn (1993); pg. 244-247.
Botting, Heather & Gary Botting.
The Orwellian World of Jehovah's Witnesses. Toronto: University of Toronto Press (1984); pg. 53-59
Chalfant, H. Paul, et al.
Religion in Contemporary Society (3rd Ed.); Itasca, Illinois: F.E. Peacock Publishers (1994); pg. 284.
Chryssides, George.
Exploring New Religions. London, U.K.: Cassells (1999).
Deseret News 2001-2002
Church Almanac. Deseret News: Salt Lake City, UT (2000); pg. 293.
Spartos, Carlos. "Practical Piety: A Guide for the Perplexed " in
Village Voice (New York), Jan. 27-Feb. 2, 1999.
Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Pennsylvania. (2002).
2001 Report of Jehovah's
Witnesses Worldwide Retrieved October 24, 2002 from
http://www.watchtower.org/statistics/worldwide_report.htm.