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Introduction

The existence of "cults", certain groups of people living under a set of unified laws, common beliefs, and a charismatic leader, is not new. Popularity and membership in these cults, however, is increasing. The purpose of this paper is to discuss reasons for cult popularity, and to demonstrate that cult memberships are increasing. Finally, it shall be shown that people who join cults are not merely victims of depression and social stability as commonly believed. In reality, a combination of social instability and a desire for social kinship and support provide sufficient reason for a person to join a cult

NOTE from the author: This paper intentionally divorces the topic from mainstream religion, particularly from Orthodox Christianity. It was my intent that the reader analyze the raw facts and sociological analysis in order to bring it into the context of Orthodox evangelism. In order to minister to cultists properly, it is vital that we understand properly the mindset of cults, as well as public perception of them.

Cult Popularity

While various cults exist, certain cults are much more popular than others. A cult usually gains popularity based on two factors: active personal ministry or extremism.

For example, a cult that claims less than fifty members is not likely to reach a large group, unless they begin by reaching out to their community, or commit extremely fanatic deeds (Martin, 1997). This example is clearly depicted by examining the Heaven's Gate cult. Regardless of their motives for joining the movement, the community would have hardly had concern for this group had not all thirty-nine of them committed mass suicide. In fact, had the group maintained an interest in the supernatural and super-cosmic world without self-destruction, it unlikely that international media would have taken an active interest in the group (Krupp, 1997, p. 81).

Likewise, the Jehovah's Witnesses cult is notorious for both characteristics. Jehovah's Witnesses boast an active door-to-door ministry, and reach some millions of homes every year in person, by telephone, or by leaving behind pamphlets at hotels and public facilities (Martin, p. 93-96). In addition to this, many are aware of their extremist views against blood transfusion (even if it means the death of the patient) and against such practices as standing for a national anthem or saluting a flag (Martin, p.124-125).

A popular apocalyptic cult led by Jim Jones was not investigated by the government until it reached a population of 900 and extreme acts of fraud were suspected. Furthermore, the general public was not aware of the group until all 900 of them committed mass suicide (Wieder, 1998).

That most people associate the word "cult" with the Branch Davidian groups (another group which committed mass suicide), or Mormons (who until recently allowed polygamy), or even Wiccans (who claim the ability to perform witchcraft) further affirms this theory (Yvonne Walsh, 2001, p.120). While this knowledge may repulse many people from cults, the fact that memberships to various cults are increasing, indicates that there are many who still maintain an interest in what the cult offers.

Cult Growth

Larger, more accepted cults have seen a sharp increase in adherents. Jehovah's Witnesses have seen an increase in adherents over the past two decades. In 1983, they numbered 77 003 in Canada; 0.31% of the population (Botting, 1984). Today, they number 110 818; 0.36% of the population. The Mormons, also known as The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, numbered 81 244 in 1980, and numbered 156 575 in 1998 (Deseret News, 2000). The Seventh Day Adventist Cult grew from a population of 41 085 in 1991 (Bedell, 1993) to a population of 46 962 by 1998 (World Almanac and Book of Facts, 2000).

Less-accepted cults considered more fanatical, have also seen significant growth. One of the most popular cults associated with methods of brainwashing (Walsh, 2001), the Unification Church, or the "Moonies", had a world membership of 2 000 000 in 1999 (Spartos, 1999), increasing from a few hundred in 1977 (Chalfant, 1994). Another cult, The Children of God, grew from a few hundred members in Amsterdam, 1970, and by 1982 spanned 69 different countries. By 1990, there were several thousand members in the United States (World Services, 1995). The Scientology Church saw an increase from 500 000 members worldwide in 1975, to 5.5 million by 1998 (Chryssides, 1998). The growth rates are significantly disproportional.

The fact that the population of Canada has only increased by 6.6 million members (Statistics Canada, 2002) should not be overlooked. Using these numbers, the population of Canada grew by 27% over a twenty year period, while all of the cults listed (except the Seventh Day Adventists) grew by multiple hundred percents.

Reasons for Cult Membership

When discussing reasons for joining a cult, it is important to emphasize that the cults referred to are thought to be psychologically manipulative, and have some hidden agenda. Organizations or individuals - that have no hidden agenda - do not systematically control information and do not covertly manipulate the member's needs would not be defined as "cults" in this sense, no matter how alien their beliefs. (Walsh, Russell, Wells, 1994, p.339)

Society tends to lean toward the belief that people join cults because of an attraction they feel to the cult�s ideology due to some long-term feeling of material or psychological "personal deficit" (Stark & Bainbridge, 1980, p.1394). This shall be called "Theory A". A person may feel attracted to a cult that may offer security, financial support, or comfort - only if the person is insecure, unconfident, depressed, in financial ruin, or has experienced significant loss. This exhibits an underlying presupposition that all cult members share some common psychological traits, that each cultist - though different as an individual, does share certain psychological traits in common with his fellow members (Martin, p.36).

There exists a supposedly conflicting view that the personality of the cultist does not determine whether or not that person will join a cult. Instead, "interpersonal bonds between members and potential recruits are the essential element" (Stark & Bainbridge, p.1376). This shall be called "Theory B". In order to evaluate these opposing views, one must observe the results of available studies.

Early studies have shown that while most religions attract members who had "pre-existing personal relationships", most cults at their beginnings are "contacted in public places" and members are "assigned to specific locations to proselytize". Members offer friendship, and give emphasis to the promise that they will be able to meet others who share similar interests. This same study quotes an ex-member of the Unification Church as saying, "They make you feel like the most important person in the world." (Bromley, Richardson, 1980, p.74-75) This study lends strong support to Theory A, as it appeals to a person's sense of self-worth. Another study alongside this one emphasizes the fact that within the cult, one can rise to high status, be offered a career, and enjoy affection. As a result, members are no longer forced to contemplate "what to do in life" or "explain why they were not doing well" (Stark & Bainbridge, p.1393). This information supports Theory A without contradicting Theory B.

Jodi Aronoff, Steven Lynn and Peter Malinoski (2000) examined studies pertaining to the psychology of former and current cult members. They acknowledge that o�ne should take into consideration that those who have left a group would not be expected to speak highly of it after they have withdrawn. Studies, they assert, are conflicting. They show that current members of cults report increased self-esteem and confidence, while the majority of those entering a cult show no previous history of any type of psychopathology (p.91-111). Other studies have shown that current cult members appear to be psychologically well-adjusted. The first of these three results indicates that in order for one to increase levels of self-esteem, they must have had a shortage of it to begin with, lending credence to Theory A, but simultaneously supports Theory B's concept of social kinship. The latter two support the argument of the necessity of personal relationships among the recruited and the recruiters - an affirmation of Theory B, though not directly contradicting Theory A, and not dependent on Theory A either. More specifically, there is no indication as to whether or not those studied in the latter two studies must have suffered psychological or financial tribulation prior to membership.

Interestingly, all studies seem to agree that members of a cult practice some form of psychological control (Martin, 49; Walsh et al, p.343) and agree that ex-members suffer varying degrees of psychological damage after leaving. Yvonne Walsh (2001) claims that these psychological techniques are used "predominantly to socialize individuals into the cultural milieu of the cults" and can "endanger feelings of guilt, dependency, low self-esteem, worthlessness, anxiety and hopelessness in vulnerable individuals" (p.127). Also, feelings of guilt or dependency, suggest that there must have been a strong bond between the members for the ex-cultist to experience these emotions. If such is the case, Theory B manifests itself as most credible, but does not rule out Theory A.

A study of doomsday cults, cults centred on the annihilation or destruction of the earth, "revealed the centrality of kinship" to their membership rates, while acknowledging that most members are socially dependent (Stark & Bainbridge, p.1392). This dependence provides evidence for Theory A, while the "centrality of kinship" seems to indicate strong support for Theory B.

The intention of these studies was to examine why people may join a cult, whether Theory A was more likely than Theory B. Clearly, one can deduce from these theories that Theory A and Theory B are not diametrically opposed. A person can experience the effects of both simultaneously; each functions independently of the other. Clearly, some may join as a result of personal distress, while others may join merely for the desire for kinship and the company of those who share common interests, or for both reasons. Distress after leaving indicates the strong bond of affinity among members of the cult, while financial ruin and/or social instability after leaving a cult indicate the symptoms of "personal deficit".

Conclusions

The number of cultists has grown significantly in the last two decades. The popularity of these cults among the masses is based upon (but not limited to) their ability to effectively advertise their beliefs by means of ministry. This can be demonstrated by active service, or by acting upon extreme beliefs, as shown through incidents of mass suicide. Two views are often held with respect to why people join cults: that members suffer from personal deficit and are in need of comfort and a sense of belonging, or that members are acting upon their need for empathy and a desire for a common bond between themselves and recruiters. These views are not conflicting, but function independently of each other, and can co-exist within a specific cult population.

References

Aronoff, J., Lynn, S., Malinoski, P. (2000). Are cultic environments psychologically harmful,
Clinical Psychology Review, 20, 91-111.

Bromley, D., Richardson, J. (1980). The Brainwashing/Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological,
Psychological, Legal and Historical Perspectives. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press.

Krupp, E. (1997). In the Wake of Heaven�s Gate. Sky and Telescope. 94, 80-81.

Martin, W. (1997). The Kingdom of the Cults. Bloomington, MO: Bethany Press International.

Stark, R., Sims, W. (1980). Networks of faith: Interpersonal bonds and recruitment to cults and
sects. American Journal of Sociology, 85, 1376-1395.

Walsh, Y., Russell, R., Wells, P. (1994). The Personality of ex-cult members. Personality and
Individual Differences, 19, 339-344.

Walsh, Y. (2001). Deconstructing �brainwashing� within cults as an aid to counselling
psychologists. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 14, 119-128.

Wieder, R. (1998). Cults [Electronic Version]. Gale Encyclopaedia of Childhood & Adolescence.

References for Populations Gathered from http://www.adherents.com and credit the following sources:

Bedell, Kenneth (ed.). Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches 1993. Abingdon Press: Nashville, Tenn (1993); pg. 244-247.

Botting, Heather & Gary Botting. The Orwellian World of Jehovah's Witnesses. Toronto: University of Toronto Press (1984); pg. 53-59

Chalfant, H. Paul, et al. Religion in Contemporary Society (3rd Ed.); Itasca, Illinois: F.E. Peacock Publishers (1994); pg. 284.

Chryssides, George. Exploring New Religions. London, U.K.: Cassells (1999).

Deseret News 2001-2002 Church Almanac. Deseret News: Salt Lake City, UT (2000); pg. 293.

Spartos, Carlos. "Practical Piety: A Guide for the Perplexed " in Village Voice (New York), Jan. 27-Feb. 2, 1999.

Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Pennsylvania. (2002). 2001 Report of Jehovah's
Witnesses Worldwide Retrieved October 24, 2002 from http://www.watchtower.org/statistics/worldwide_report.htm.